By Christopher Lord
A Democratic Audit of the eu Union presents a scientific evaluation of democracy within the european opposed to in actual fact outlined standards. Christopher Lord bargains a double problem to generalizations a couple of democratic deficit within the ecu. at the one hand, it indicates that criteria of democratic functionality within the european may well differ throughout Union associations and decision-making techniques. nevertheless, it exhibits that they could differ throughout key dimensions of democratic governance, together with citizenship, rights, participation, illustration, responsiveness, transparency and responsibility.
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Additional info for A Democratic Audit of the European Union (One Europe or Several?)
It is difficult to conceive of structures at Union level that can be guaranteed to match representatives and represented without any risk of some representatives participating in decisions that do not affect their constituents or, conversely, some individuals being exposed to decisions from which their representatives are excluded. Not only is there substantial internal variation in how EU policies are experienced by citizens of the Union itself. There are also significant examples where Union policy is applied extra-territorially to those who have few if any formal rights of representation in its institutions (Kux and Sverdrup, 2000).
However, any claims about the value of democracy, on the one hand, and what is institutionally or socially possible, on the other, need to be coherently related. Discussions about democracy, accordingly, tend to be conducted as debates between competing models. Consideration of which models of democracy should be applied to the EU has centred on the following pair-wise distinctions. Direct/indirect democracy. Perhaps the most familiar of all distinctions used in the classification of forms of democracy, direct democracy is where the people themselves take major decisions of government.
64–8), a counter-argument is that, in a social condition, any meaningful concept of ‘person autonomy’ requires an autonomous public sphere governed by democratic principles: ‘the individual liberties of the subjects of private law and the public autonomy of enfranchised citizens make each other possible’ (Habermas, 1996, p. 457). In contrast, the consequential argument is that democracy is likely to produce desirable effects beyond those contained in its own definition as public control with political equality.